This page is gonna handle news from various sources and wires, thus:
Monday, 9th June 2014
Re: A Message of Peace from Eminent African Leaders
Your Excellency President Salva Kiir
Your Excellency Dr. Riek Machar, Former Vice-President
In the lead up to the next round of talks, we write to ask you to exercise your leadership to bring an immediate end to the fighting in South Sudan.
We appeal to you to engage in an inclusive peace process which is not only defined by those who picked up guns and waged war but by all women and men of South Sudan from different communities, religions, ages and ethnicities.
Almost three years after independence and six months into the conflict, South Sudan is on the edge of a great tragedy. The South Sudanese have suffered immensely since the war started in December 2013. Fighting has taken thousands of lives and has forced more than 1.3 million people, including over half a million children, to flee their homes. Over half of South Sudan’s population is at risk of starvation and 223,000 children are at risk of acute malnutrition. 50,000 of these children may not survive. The people of South Sudan need peace and security now, not more war!
Independence should have led to all South Sudanese living in peace, having access to jobs and incomes and public services enabling them to live in dignity. Instead, 1 in every 5 displaced South Sudanese is living in inaccessible areas, making it difficult to access food and clean water. The rights that South Sudanese hoped to enjoy after independence have been obliterated by war, a war that must be replaced by dialogue.
As signatories to this Appeal we encourage you to recall the long and painful path the people of South Sudan have taken to achieve statehood. We know intimately what it means when Africans turn on each other and decide to resolve their differences by spilling one another’s blood. We cannot sleep easily while our fellow Africans in South Sudan continue to die needlessly.
Let this be your moment to follow in the footsteps of the great African leaders who have left behind a legacy of inclusive peace. Let your decisive action now to end hostilities be your legacy to all the people of South Sudan, to Africa and to the world as history will harshly judge you if you fail to do so. The fate of South Sudanese children, who have been affected by unimaginable violations, including killings, forced recruitment, rape and abductions, is in your hands.
HE Pierre Buyoya, Former President of the Republic of Burundi and High Representative of the African Union for Mali and the Sahel
HE Joaquim Chissano, Former President of the Republic of Mozambique and Former Chairperson of the African Union
HE Kenneth Kaunda, Former President of the Republic of Zambia
HE Sylvie Kinigi, Former President of the Republic of Burundi
HE John Kufuor, Former President of the Republic of Ghana and Former Chairperson of the African Union
HE Sir Quett Ketumile Joni Masire, Former President of the Republic of Botswana
HE Benjamin William Mkapa, Former President of the United Republic of Tanzania
HE Dr Bakili Muluzi, Former President of the Republic of Malawi
HE Ali Hassan Mwinyi, Former President of the United Republic of Tanzania
HE Samuel Nujoma, Former President of the Republic of Namibia
HE Abdoulie Janneh, Former United Nations Executive Secretary of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA)
Hon. Gertrude Mongella, Former Speaker of the Pan-African Parliament and Former UN Under-Secretary and Special Envoy to the Secretary General of the United Nations on Women’s Issues and Development
HE Salim Ahmed Salim, Former Prime Minister of the United Republic of Tanzania, Former Secretary General of the Organisation of African Unity, Member of the AU Panel
HE Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Honorary Member of the Elders
READ THIS…IT MAY HELP BALANCE YOUR OUTLOOK OVER THE JUBA AFFAIRS…
Nine questions about the South Sudan crisis: A guide for confused observers
Radio Tamazuj is an independent cross-border radio project covering the conflict areas of Sudan and South Sudan. Radio Director Hildebrand Bijleveld tries to answer some of the most asked questions about the conflict that started December 15 as it heads toward what seems to be civil war.
1. Was there a coup attempt as announced by President Salva Kiir?
No, there was not a coup attempt. The version of events narrated by Peter Adwok is most likely closer to the truth. During the final session of the National Liberation Council, one of the ruling party’s highest political organs, on December 15, there was a dispute among different elements of the Presidential Guards (Tigers) over orders to surrender their arms. According to Adwok, guards were disarmed but later the officer in charge opened the stores and rearmed only the Dinka soldiers. The Nuer guards questioned this, a fistfight ensued and more Nuer soldiers came in and broke into the stores. The Nuer soldiers managed to take control of the headquarters and the next day after some SPLA reinforcements, the mutineers were dislodged. There is no evidence of any planning, masterminding or political coordination before or during the clash.
2. Is it is an ethnic conflict?
Although ethnicity is a major factor, the crisis was actually precipitated by a deep political rift and power struggle. Yes, the President Salva Kiir is a Dinka and his rival the former vice-president Riek Machar is a Nuer. Yes, the race card is being played by both sides, and certainly it is a real dimension of the conflict especially at the ground level. But behind Riek Machar is a coalition that includes prominent Dinka politicians as well such as the former Sudanese minister of foreign affairs and the widow of the founding father of the SPLM John Garang. Other prominent non-Nuers are in the camp of the former vice president such as the now dismissed secretary-general of the ruling party, Pag’an Amum, a Shilluk.
3. What is the political rivalry about?
Politics is about power, and behind this latest crisis was a contest to become the new president in the elections of 2015. Between the two rivals there’s also a significant difference in political approach. Salva Kiir is a military man, who led the guerilla army in the field against Khartoum. He became the commander-in-chief after John Garang died. Besides being the first president of the country, he is also the chairman of the party that holds nearly all seats in parliament, and he has become accustomed to ruling without being questioned. But with widespread corruption in the government, mismanagement of the security forces and lack of rule of law and freedom of expression, reform was being demanded by the population. Riek Machar, on the other hand, attempted a more inclusive political approach together with his ally Pag’an Amum. During recent party deliberations they tried to play by the books (e.g. SPLM constitution) to make gains for their allies and unseat the party chairman, but Salva Kiir played the power card and finally dismissed them from the cabinet and the party.
4. Is South Sudan going to have a new civil war?
It is too early to make definitive conclusions, but it is accurate to say at the very least that South Sudan is on the brink of a civil war. The poor management of the conflict, the deepening of an already bitter political rift, and the revival of deep ethnic rivalry make the possibility of a full-scale war far more likely. The fall of Bor at the hands of the defected 8th Division Commander Peter Gadet is a bad sign. It remains to be seen whether Riek Machar, still at large, will take leadership of the armed revolt from behind the scenes. For the mutineers, there seems now no way back into the regular army unless Kiir and Machar reach an agreement on a path toward reintegration. On the other hand, Gadet is more likely now to try to rally a considerable number of Nuer militia behind him, taking control over larger areas of Jonglei and Unity State. Thought it may not be enough to overthrow Kiir, it would severely destabilize the country and cripple the economy.
5. What can be done to avoid war?
At minimum a process of political reconciliation must begin between Salva Kiir, Riek Machar, Pag’an Amum and their supporters. Reinstating the opposition leaders with some of their powers either within the government or party may be an option on the table. The worst option would be seeking a military solution in the style of the Khartoum regime which has tried for ten years to crush rebels in Darfur, the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile. War would lead to immense suffering of the population. Perhaps the most likely scenario is something in between, with fast spreading military clashes all over the country, mounting pressure from the international community and finally a painstaking national reconciliation process.
6. Can the UN do something – don’t they have peacekeepers?
The UN Peacekeeping Mission to South Sudan (UNMISS) with 7,000 uniformed staff and a budget close to a billion dollar a year was completely absent from the streets in Juba. No blue helmet was seen during the worst days of the conflict. Moreover, the chairman of the UN Security Council Gérard Araud already announced that the peacekeepers will not intervene in the fighting. Bases of the United Nations have been used, however, as places of refuge by tens of thousands of people in Juba and Bor. The bases are also sometimes staging areas for humanitarian logistics.
7. Who is Riek Machar, leader of the opposition against the president?
Riek Machar, like many politicians in South Sudan, was implicated in atrocities committed during the civil war of 1983-2005. He was blamed for the Bor Massacre in 1991 when his Nuer militiamen butchered thousands of Dinka in the Jonglei capital. The same city is again now under siege by troops loyal to him. His reputation was further questioned by humanitarian officials who said that he kept starving children in camps in order to lure the international community into sending food aid that would actually be taken by his soldiers. Other members of the Liberation Movement questioned his signature of the 1997 Khartoum Agreement, considering him an opportunist and traitor. On the other hand, he has a reputation also as an exceptional survivor and pragmatist, and holds a PhD in agronomy. He speaks English, Arabic, Nuer and some Dinka.
8.Why is Salva Kiir not killing his opponents if they staged a coup?
Killing opposition leaders Riek Machar and Pag’an Amum would definitely lead to a civil war. Amum is in the hands of the national security service, while Riek Machar remains still at large. Although there are indications of his likely whereabouts (within the vicinity of Juba), this cannot yet be reported. The chances are slim that he himself will go to the bush to lead an armed revolt against Kiir.
9. Is Sudan going to interfere in a civil war in South Sudan?
Ironically, the best bet for Salva Kiir to remain in power might indeed be to count on the support of President Omar Al Bashir, whom he fought over several decades. If the situation continues to run out of hand, the Nuer militia might take control over oilfields in their homelands, which would cut off the oil flow to Khartoum, endangering the stability of the economy and thereby putting the regime at risk of a popular uprising. Sudan’s main interest then is to protect the flow of oil to the north. In one scenario, Khartoum would move to help defend the oil wells and facilities by military means, while providing other forms of support to Salva Kiir such as air power. In another scenario, Khartoum would divide and again rule South Sudan by supporting its former Nuer allies like Riek Machar.
ON MABIOR GARANG DE MABIOR’S ANALYSIS….
Before you scroll down to read this full and fairly balanced analytical exposition from Mabior Garang de Mabior, the man Facebook tribal campaigners have lumped me together with, due to such objective stand during our national crisis, first absorb this quote:
“One of the saddest lessons of history is this: If we’ve been bamboozled long enough, we tend to reject any evidence of the bamboozle. The bamboozle has captured us. Once you give a charlatan power over you, you almost never get it back.” Carl Sagan.
Below is Mabior Garang’s article in full (published by Africa Confidential)
FROM POWER STRUGGLE TO UPRISING
The clashes between rival factions in the SPLA that started in the capital on 15 December are spreading alarmingly fast.
The capture of Bor, about 100 kilometres north of Juba, on 18 December by troops loyal to General Peter Gatdet Yaka showed the political and military fragility of South Sudan.
The attack in Jonglei by Gatdet’s fighters, who had theoretically been integrated into the national armed forces, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army, appears to have been triggered by the 15 December mutiny by SPLA fighters loyal to Vice-President Riek Machar Teny Dhurgon, who had lost many of his powers in July after publicly challenging President Salva Kiir Mayardit.
Fearing the clashes could spread across the country, United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon called for a political dialogue on 18 December. Yet the immediate prospects for a meeting between the two sides, let alone constructive talks, looked poor.
A delegation of African Union officials led by Ethiopia’s Foreign Minister, Tedros Adhanom, flew to Juba on 19 to meet President Salva, who has tempered his public position in recent days, having initially accused Riek of mounting a coup.
Over 500 people have been killed since fighting started in Juba on 15 December, and some 20,000 people have taken shelter in the two main United Nations compounds there.
With the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement’s National Convention looming early next year and Riek’s renewed declaration that he would challenge for the party’s leadership, Salva circumvented the party hierarchy and called a National Liberation Council meeting. This forestalled Riek’s demand for a Political Bureau meeting to set the agenda for the NLC meeting.
Immediately after the NLC meeting, there were reports that Salva Kiir had ordered Riek’s arrest. This appears to have triggered a mutiny by Riek-loyalists within in the elite Tiger Battalion of the presidential guard, the only army unit to be garrisoned inside Juba town.
Those pro-Riek fighters were predominantly Nuer but quickly garnered support across a range of ethnic groups in South Sudan. The danger is that the leaders of the rival factions could exploit ethnic divisions in the military to help them in what is essentially a political dispute about how to run the country.
In his television address on 16 December, in which he forsook his trademark cowboy hat in favour of combat fatigues, Salva cut a rather forlorn figure, neither father of the nation nor military leader.
He was wearing the presidential guards’ familiar tiger-stripe uniform, complete with its distinctive unit insignia of tiger’s head shoulder flashes.
Gen Salva Kiir
The factional fighting soon spread to the army headquarters at Bilpam, leading to fears that the military could splinter along ethnic lines and result in widespread communal violence, as happened following the 1991 split in the SPLA which was led by Riek and Lam Akol Ajawin. That resulted in the mass killing of civilians in the Bor massacre.
The ferocity of this year’s fighting reflects long-running divisions in the leadership of the governing SPLM.
Tensions have been worsening among party militants since July when President Salva reduced Riek’s powers and those of many of his ministers and SPLM Secretary General Pagan Amum Okiech (AC Vol 54 No 16, A power struggle, not a coup).
Salva’s claims that he was facing an attempted coup planned by Riek have been widely dismissed, even by ostensible allies.
After sacking his ministers, Vice-President and several provincial governors, along with many commanders of the SPLA, by the constitutionally-dubious means of presidential order, Salva Kiir had discovered that the SPLM party structures were far stronger than the National Assembly. Members of the National Assembly have been doing little more than rubber stamping Salva’s decrees.
By 17 December, tanks and heavy armour were on the streets of Juba. They joined Salva loyalists who were involved in shoot outs with dissidents and making house to house searches for suspected ‘coup-plotters’, a term which refers to anyone deemed less than loyal to Salva. Given the army’s reputation for heavy-handedness in dealing with dissidents, (AC Vol 54 No 17, Powers of separation), there is growing international concern that such operations will exacerbate ethnic tensions.
‘Politics gone wild’ The core dispute is clearly political rather than ethnic and senior officials are belatedly attempting to rein in the mounting communal tensions. Some, such as Jok Madut Jok, a former Undersecretary for Culture and Director of the Sudd Institute, a policy think-tank, have described it as ‘politics gone wild’, since Salva’s July purge.
In mid-November, Salva then attempted to move against the last remnants of opposition within the party hierarchy, summarily abolishing all party structures, notably the Political Bureau, the SPLM’s executive wing, where Riek had remained as Vice-Chairman and wielded considerable influence. In fact, Riek had managed to garner the support of 14 of the 19 Political Bureau members to censure Salva.
Elsewhere, the SPLA was being hastily reshuffled, purged of senior officers regarded as Riek loyalists. The fighting then started within the Army. Nuer cadres, loyal to Riek, attacked and captured the barracks as Dinka officers, backing Salva, held on to the keys to the armoury.
When the Nuer troops ran out of ammunition, Dinka troops regained control and pushed back, precipitating pitched battles in Juba.
Riek’s residence next to the UN Development Programme compound in Juba has been ransacked. His spokesman, contacted by local media, said that he was alive and safe, while refusing to divulge his whereabouts.
Several former ministers were arrested and reportedly held at the house of Inspector-General of Police Pieng Deng Kuol. They included Oyai Deng Ajak, Gier Chuang, Majak d’Agot Atem, Madut Biar, Deng Alor, Kosti Manibe, Cirino Hiteng, John Luk Jok, and Chol Tong Mayay. Rebecca Garang, widow of the late SPLM leader, John Garang de Mabior, has also been detained, showing the depth of the schism.
With the purge of the party’s high command now clearly unsuccessful, Salva’s offer of amnesty to dissidents such as Jonglei rebel leader David Yau Yau and Lam Akol, who returned to Juba in late October, looks like a bid to shore up dwindling support. There are dangerous parallels with the 1991 clashes in the SPLA.
Virtually every survivor at the top has turned so many ideological somersaults and changed sides so often it is difficult to detect any coherent differences between them.
Both factions currently accuse each other of consorting with Sudan. Salva referred to the 1991 split in the SPLA, which eventually led Riek into making a separate peace deal with the National Islamic Front regime in Khartoum.
Riek countered that accusation with claims that Salva’s last cabinet reshuffle replaced senior liberation figures who had played major roles throughout the war with several politicians compromised by their links with Khartoum. Other SPLM leaders now seen as ‘progressive’ echo the same criticism. However, Salva has never compromised with Khartoum and Riek cannot escape his history.
Salva led the party’s u-turn away from the late John Garang’s policy of a united, secular Sudan in favour of an independent South Sudan. That was one of the issues which led to the 1991 split, with Riek advocating secession and Salva staunchly defending Garang’s unitary stance.
Fighting has spread to Bor and beyond. There are rumours that Peter Gadet, one of the SPLA’s most effective field commanders but with a propensity to switch sides, is mobilising a column of his fellow Nuer to march in support of Riek and the uprising.
By attempting to sideline and then demonise Riek and his other opponents, Salva has risked undermining the fragile post-Independence political consensus and reigniting long-standing Nuer-Dinka rivalries. So far Salva’s counter-attack against Riek’s challenge has worsened the schism within the government rather than consolidating his grip on power.
UN officials and diplomats, especially United States officials are intensifying pressures on both sides to talk, fearing a still more tragic unravelling of the government in the days ahead. South Sudan’s churches are also attempting to mediate.
KENYANS WONDERING WHY KIIR HAD TO ‘FLEE’ THEIR JUBILEE BACK TO JUBA AT THE LEE HOURS OF THE CELEBRATION…!
“All the surrounding neighbours and a host of other African heads of state have spoken but South Sudan, a country conceived and born in the arms of Kenya, is missing out. Oh, their president is missing without the notice of the MC! He was just seen during the first session…” said a TV commentator in Nairobi during the live coverage of the event.
Indeed, our president, H.E. Salva Kiir Mayardit, was seen seated at the far end of the VIP Section, next to Raila Odinga, Kibaki and Goodluck Jonathan, but when it came to introduction time, Deputy President William Ruto called out the 10 heads of state but only 9 were seen on camera. Salva Kiir Mayardit was called but his seat was empty!
Secondly, when speeches were delivered, all the surrounding neighbours of Kenya delivered their speeches except South Sudan…OUR KIIR CUT THE CEREMONY BEFORE 1PM!
CONCERNS: Many assumptions are flying about in relation to what has transpired back home, making our man uncomfortable in celebrations of freedom such as the KENYA@50 CELEBRATION.
Remember the blunders at such functions like The Mandela Memorial/Funeral Ceremony in which he was seen counting his fingers to Susan Rice in front of the world leaders. Only God knows what the debate was about. Other international events in which our president spent the last one month touring the world (Kuwait-France-South Africa-Kenya…) are yet to yield fruits. Has he brought home anything especially a repair on our tainted Foreign Policy or was he up there attracting negative attention of the world towards the mess happening behind him at home, besides burning millions of our much needed money on large entourage around the world…?
Remember the New York incident in which our Vice President, Foreign Affairs Minister and the team had their belts, shoes, phones removed by the airport security and checked and shaken up under ordinary passengers’ system. So what is the use of travelling abroad if only to harvest humiliation and contempt in the eyes of the world?
ON THE FOREIGN POLICY BLUNDERS, CONTINUE READING FROM ANOTHER ANGRY COMMENTATOR LINKED BELOW:
By Deng Vanang
He is at it again. That is His Excellency, President Salva Kiir Mayardit acting contrary to popular opinion. This time is wielding his inverted diplomacy of repelling allies while embracing traitors. The man loves indulging in acts that aim at diminishing our daily bread and endangering our security more rather than enhancing them. The President as always inadvertently springs to his shaky feet to fight the strong at our weakest moments. He is not after winning the fight about which he may be ruffling feathers. He does so to make his ever diminutive stature felt and known among those he considers mighty in who is who list of global or regional politics. But his act begets unintended result. Like craning out one’s neck for a fight in order to be noticed is the height of the falling confidence. And more higher is the falling confidence than when he recoils into an empty shelf he once left when rebuffed into silence by those who determine who should breathe what, how, where, when and why in this unipolar world. CLICK to complete the commentary this link… http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article46749&utm_source=twitterfeed&utm_medium=twitter
A CALL FOR SPLM LEADERSHIP RECONCILIATION MEEET IN 2013 LIKE IN 2004
The SPLM is at it again! It is upon the people of South Sudan to see how to save their lives by keeping a distance from the power struggle going on in their historical party right now. This is reminiscent of the 2004 Schism that already threatened the hard-earned CPA (Comprehensive Peace Agreement) that was to be signed a month later. This time, it’s the hard-earned independence of the South Sudanese that is at jeopardy at the moment. This also calls for an alarm. Therefore, I hereby call upon all the stakeholders of the party to sit down and sort their issues out before the ignorant populations fall in with their tribal outlooks. It would be a great setback if left unchecked for the sake of peace and development of South Sudan.
But before I give you the Rumbek Summit meeting minutes below, I like the peace-calling conclusion of the press release of the SPLM PB and other leaders in Juba on December 6, 2013 here…
“The deep-seated divisions within the SPLM leadership, exacerbated by dictatorial tendencies of the SPLM Chairman, and the dysfunctional SPLM structures from national to local levels are likely to create instability in the party and in the country. For these reasons, and out of our sincere concern about future of our people, we the SPLM members of the Political Bureau and the Leadership of the party are obliged to inform the public about the true state of affairs in the SPLM and how General Salva Kiir is driving our beloved Republic of South Sudan into chaos and disorder.
In order to resolve this crisis, we call on the SPLM Chairman to convene the Political Bureau to set the agenda for the National Liberation Council so as to correct the deviation from the SPLM vision and direction. And address the present challenges within the SPLM with the view of revitalizing and restoring the SPLM to the driving seat. The SPLM should hold steering wheel of the two historical processes of nation building and state building.
Long live the struggle of our people
Glory and honour to our martyrs
Long live South Sudan
Long live SPLM
Viva SPLM viva
December 6, 2013” ***
And then the poems from my poetry book, The Black Christs of Africa.
WAR OF THE ALPHA-BETS
Man has two legs,
Which stride alternately.
English language has 26 legs,
And if they go alternatively,
They clash and crash like eggs.
When on others’ way stands A,
B topples it unto C, sparing D,
The result is an insult: BAD!
When M avenges A,
Overthrowing B, sparing D,
The whole process runs like: MAD!
Any attempt to abandon the Antecedents,
And go for the Precedents,
Meaning toppling M,
Makes M crushes legs-up like this W,
Who substitutes D with its western neighbor, R,
Turning the whole reshuffle into WAR!
This woe is blamed on the power-hungry alphabets,
Among which A is a legal leader.
But when it involves middlemen, namely: L, P, H,
The A wins by majority votes,
And since he is the ALPHA—
He bets for power with the leftist, the Omega,
And the arbitration culminates into an infinite wrangling
Referred to as ‘WAR of the ALPHA BETS’.
“One of the saddest lessons of history is this: If we’ve been bamboozled long enough, we tend to reject any evidence of the bamboozle. The bamboozle has captured us. Once you give a charlatan power over you, you almost never get it back.”
IN CONFUCIAN CONFUSION
Above, the giraffes are fighting.
Below, the grass is suffering.
Caught in between
Two ideological bulls,
Between bloc A and B,
In an ideological confusion
Of communism versus capitalism,
Of socialism versus fundamentalism.
Conned into the con-fusion-ism,
Of the modern Confucianism,
Between two superb powers,
Of today’s suspicious Confucius
Robbing us of our privileges,
Roving eyes in our free villages;
Of our substance
For our subsistence:
Peace and freedom
Education and religion…
Woe to us, the underdogs,
Of the Chameleon Kingdom.
The world’s top scoring soccerers,
The politically scorning sorcerers;
The despots like Pol Pot,
Iddi Arm-in Dada,
Mungistu Hell Miriam,
Mobutu Tsetse Seiko,
“I had nothing to offer anybody except my own confusion.”
Jack Kerouac (1922 – 1969)
For those who do not know what happened in the top leadership of SPLM in 2004, have it as follows:
CONFIDENTIAL REPORT ON THE RUMBEK MEETING 2004
On the Joint meeting of the SPLM/A leadership Council, General Military Command Council, Heads of Commissions, SPLM Secretariats, SPLM County Secretaries, Civil Society & Community Leaders.
RUMBEK 29TH OF NOVEMBER TO 1ST OF DECEMBER 2004
DAY 1 Opening Prayer: Rev. Clement Janda
Introduction: Cdr. Dr. Riek Machar
Briefing: Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit
Cdr. Dr. Riek Machar Thanked Cdr. Mark Nyipuoch, Cdr. Dr. John Garang and the other participants and announced the beginning of the meeting, which had been ordered by the Chairman. The first part of the meeting comprised of the leadership council, the Secretariats, and the members of the General Staff. The second part was composed of the members of IGAD team, and the Commissioners and Secretaries of the SPLM.
In the opening of the meeting the Chairman Cdr. Dr. John Garang, thanked members of the SPLM/A national leadership Council and welcomed all the participants who traveled to Rumbek. ‘I thank you in the name of the Almighty God. To begin with I wrote two messages:
One on 14/11/004 (No. 001/11/004) to address the following accusations/rumours;
• That there was a meeting held in Nairobi under the Chairmanship of myself where Cdr. Salva Kiir would be replaced by the Chairman with Cdr. Nhial Deng.
• That I went to Kampala and met with Cdr. Pieng and ordered him to arrest Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit.
• That Cdr. Malual Majok went to Ramciel to collect forces to go and arrest Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit at Yei.
They are all lies and a big propaganda initiative.
The second message was on 23/11/04 calling for this meeting which we are now convening today and where I want to make a general briefing about the signing of peace next month in which each and every one should be informed accordingly.
Cdr. Machar then welcomed Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit to brief the national leadership meeting where he welcomed the Chairman and C-in-C and the national leadership. ‘I confirm the two messages read to you by the Chairman are all true. The rumours came from Nairobi and around the leadership of the SPLM/A. The second message I got was through Cdr. Pagan Amum who was visiting the liberated areas with friends from friendly countries. I requested Cdr. Mabior Kuer to ask the HQs why I am not talking directly to the Chairman. I spoke to the Chairman when he was in Kampala and he told me that I should meet him in Yirol, which I didn’t reply to in the light of the rumours.
The rumours implied that I will be arrested at Ramciel where the Chairman was, so I decided not to go. When I received that rumour, I called the security personnel in Yei and discussed the issue in length with them. I also informed them to find out where the sources of the rumours from Nairobi were coming from, which they did.
After I spoke with the Chairman, I also met Cdr. Pieng in Yei for the whole day and he was advising me to join the Chairman in Yirol, which I refused. After that I met Cdr. Kuol Manyang and Cdr. Deng Alor. They came from Nairobi with information that I should go to Nairobi for reconciliation between the two of us. I considered the word reconciliation as something very serious, and therefore decided to tell them that I will not go to Nairobi. The HQs of the Chairman complained that they were calling me and that if I recognized their number, I would switch off the telephone. That is not true; I never received any call from them and switch off my telephone.
I assure you that the allegation that I am against peace is not true. I am really for peace so that the International Community could rescue our suffering people. People of Bahr El Ghazal have suffered too much from repeated famine and from the Arab militias – and for these reasons I am the first to embrace peace to relief them from suffering. Peace efforts such as the Wunlit Peace Conference have up to date ceased hostilities between Western Upper Nile and Bahr El Ghazal; and that is good. So I need peace. There are those who want to create confusion in the Movement and fabricate such things. I don’t have personal problem with the Chairman.
If we are National Leaders, which I don’t believe we are because we have no cohesion within our leadership structure, let us be sincere with ourselves. After meetings are concluded, we run to foreign countries. There is no code of conduct to guide the Movement’s structures. When the Chairman leaves for abroad, no directives are left and no one is left to act on his behalf. I don’t know with whom the Movement is left with; or does he carry it in his own brief case?
The Chairman killed the national Executive Council (NEC) by creating the leadership Council. But there is no provision in the Convention for a ‘Leadership Council’. Does he want to revive the Political Military High Command? The Leadership Council creates a situation where all are directly reporting to the Chairman – including SPLM County Secretaries. When I mentioned these facts, they should not be construed to be my personal or family problems. Those around the Chairman don’t tell him the opinion of the public. The Chairman is everything, from a finance officer to one at the lowest level.
Corruption, as a result of the lack of structures, has created a lack of accountability which has reached a proportion that will be difficult to eradicate.
In fact, there are many outstanding administrative problems that require our attention. These include the infrequent converting of conferences at the leadership level, causing an absence in the SPLA/M chain of command and making others to directly communicate with the Chairman without following the right procedures. This should be corrected. If the responsibility of Governors goes directly to the Chairman, what will be the work of Cdr. Daniel Awet? I hope Cdr. Daniel Awet will address all those things. The Chairman should not make appointments of SPLM County Secretaries; it is the work of the Governors.
The other issue I would like Comrade Chairman to address is how the CANS structures are now operating, e.g., take the absence of the SPLM Regional Secretary for Bahr El Gazal from his area of responsibility while there has been sporadic tribal feuds within the region – and which has resulted into sectional conflict. The Chairman most of the time send Cdr. Deng Alor on foreign missions which were supposed to be the work of Cdr. Nhial Deng.
There are several other administrative issues that require correction. We are three Deputies without functions. The Chairman is responsible for all systems including the Army General Headquarters. Our HQs. started in Yei, then Rumbek, then new Cush and now Ramciel. When are we going to establish our HQs? The deputies of the General Staff are the ones commanding the forces; they should stay in the General Headquarters instead of commanding. Yet the Chairman is the one who dismantled the General Headquarters. Comrade Chairman, the establishment of the General headquarters hasn’t been fulfilled and this I have been requesting ever since Yei was liberated. Branch officers such as the Director of Military Intelligence and his deputy are now in your Headquarters, though they are supposed to remain at the General Headquarters. The Chairman concentrates on his headquarters forgetting the rest of the army. It is only his headquarters, which has military uniforms, boots and other supplies.
Our present situation requires us to be organized and prepared. If peace is signed, the question is; what have we done in training our military cadres so that they meet the standard of their counterparts in the integrated army. There are rumours that the Chairman had already selected by name those Commanders who would command the Joint Integrated Army. What about the rest of the army and who will pay them? The Chairman seems to have taken the Movement as his own property. As we leave Rumbek after this meeting, I would like to see that all our administrative issues be addressed and implemented following this meeting’s resolutions.
I would also want Comrade Chairman to give me full powers of the Chief of the General Staff (COGS) to enable me expedite the regrouping and reorganization of the SPLA, and if Comrade Chairman sees that I am not able to do that job, then he can appoint another person to do it.
The Chairman is to be 1st Vice-President of the Sudan and the head of the Government of Southern Sudan, but he is not talking to Southerners. The North is organizing southern militias so that we fight among ourselves. We must unite our own ranks and not just unity with the north. On a personal basis, I don’t have any problems with the Chairman but our working relationship is bad and leaves a lot to be desired.
I would also like to say something about rampant corruption in the Movement. At the moment some members of the Movement have formed private companies, bought houses and have huge bank accounts in foreign countries. I wonder what kind of system are we going to establish in South Sudan considering ourselves indulged in this respect.
Response from the Chairman. I give the floor to the national leadership to comment on what had been said by Cdr. Salva Kiir, I don’t want this to be a debate between Cdr. Salva Kiir and I.
Edward Lino thanked the Chairman and said we are really in need of resolving the problems within the SPLM/A. The people of Abyei are accused of being Dr. John’s supporters and as such, are victimized for that. Cdr. Pieng made an intervention that Cdr. Edward was not addressing the issues.
Cdr. Elijah Malok stated he really supported what Cdr. Salva Kiir said, and recommended that a collective leadership be created. Here in Bahr El Ghazal Cdr. Deng Alor has been away for too long and these are known facts; the leadership council should address and resolve these outstanding issues and go back on the right track. Let us form committees to reorganize the army, since all the units are here. I don’t believe what Cdr. Mayardit said about the people being victimized. Structures are to be recognized right way as a government so let us reorganize them and work in the right way as a government.
Dr. Justin Yac. I will go with the suggestion of Cdr. Pieng that the Chairman response to the issues raised by Cdr. Salva Kiir.
Cdr./Dr. John Garang I will give my contribution to what has been raised; that firstly we need to dispose of rumours. In the whole of South Sudan, there is a general concern from the citizens, and in Yei, the officers and citizens believe there is a danger facing the Movement. We have to clear the danger and give our people assurances.
Cdr. Salva Kiir and I have been together in the movement for 22 years, and have been close friends, and we will continue that way. 22 years of friendship can’t be thrown away by rumours; Cdr. Salva will be with me now until the end of the interim period and beyond, and I will cite what was said when I visited Malual Kon and the “Luak” of the family of Cdr. Salva where I entered the house to show comradeship and a long cherished friendship. At a meeting while visiting there we were told, “You are the two orphans” left because the original members of the High Command died, both of us will carry on to bring peace.
I cited what happened at New Site recently when the Chiefs a ceremony where a bull was sacrificed to show how we are united. At the spiritual performance, one traditional leader said that 4 things will happen:-
– 1. The bull will urinate.
– 2. The bull will fall down.
– 3. The bull will face the North.
– 4. The bull will die without being slaughtered.
And all the four happened.
The allegation that I was going to dismiss Cdr. Salva and arrest him was not only a lie, but it did not even occur in my mind. I was preoccupied with the peace process and not trying to create a crisis. Before UN Security Council Meeting, I received a telephone call from President Bush who said that he now had those who will work with him during the next four years and that I am one of them. President Bush said, “John don’t let us down. We want peace before the end of the year”.
The allegation that I will be replacing Cdr. Salva was a bad lie. If Cdr. Salva was dismissed and replaced with Cdr. Nhial Deng Nhial, it would mean that I would have dismissed all those senior to Cdr. Nhial which includes Cdr. Riek, Cdr. James, Cdr. Daniel Awet, Cdr. Lual Diing, etc. – which would be bad for the Movement. So this allegation is a lie. The crisis only has the support of our enemies who want a crisis in the Movement. This situation was created by our enemies because they do not want to sign the peace agreement.
The Chairman pointed out that the GOS has never been happy with the protocols, specially the Machakos protocol, because of the self-determination clause. The GOS and their supporters don’t accept the security arrangement and the Wealth Sharing Agreement, which gives the South of Sudan 51%. The Khartoum Government wants to reject the agreement being signed or at least delay it. By delaying in signing, Khartoum will gain $2.5 billion from the oil revenues, which we must prevent by all means possible. Khartoum was unhappy with the Power Sharing and 3 areas protocols. Neither I nor Cdr. Salva had any interest in delaying the peace agreement. I have nothing to gain by dismissing Cdr. Salva.
Finally I have never had any thought of dismissing Cdr. Salva. And it should be considered a lie. This rumour has caused commotion everywhere in Southern Sudan, Khartoum and the Diaspora – so I will assure our people everywhere and send a strong message to Khartoum Government that they will not divide the SPLM/A.
Cdr. Salva and I are innocent of the situation, and four of our leaders will appear in a press conference telling the whole world about our unity and that there is no problem among SPLM/A members. Secondly, I want to assure you of my confidence in Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit. My relationship with Cdr. Salva goes back to 1983 – Cdr. Chagai Atem, Kerubino and many others were close to me. I still have personal relationship with Cdr. Salva and I trust and have confidence in him. This is needed now than ever before. I want Cdr. Salva to be around me during the interim period, and beyond.
The Government of Sudan called upon all the Newspapers to stop making allegations against the Movement. So let us put that issue to rest.
Secondly, Cdr. Salva said that I brought all the officers around me, leaving him alone in vacuum. What I can say is that is not true.
On internal reforms, I agree that reforms are necessary. We are all behind them. We have been making reforms since 1983, e.g., the Zonal Command, Political High Command, NLC, NEC, etc.. these structures can be changed but the objective remains the same. Our imperfect structures have brought us to the present day. Let us not throw away these structures now, otherwise we will throw ourselves away.
The Chairman urged the meeting to introduce changes slowly. He said he is for change but slow change. The Chairman reiterated that all SPLM/A members will be protected; he assured all members that no one will be left out. On the issue of new comers who are said to be taking over the Movement, he said we should accept all southerners new or old because there are more southerners than members of the SPLM/A who must be accommodated; but no newcomer will displace anyone who has been with us for years.
On the appointment of Governors; all Governors will be appointed from their respective areas, e.g. in Lakes the Governor here will come from Lakes. As for States, people of each State will form their governments with no marginalization within States.
As for the Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS), there will be representation based on the states, fairness and justice. Similarly at the Central Government, there will be State representation. All Governments, whether GOSS or State Governments will be based on modern standardized structures.
The army will be organized based on modern standards. The SPLM will be reorganized democratically. There will be a mult-party system. There will be no need for coup d’etat anymore, so for example my friend Dr. Riek Machar will not need to make a coup because he can form his own party if he is discontented with SPLM.
The issue now is how to achieve a Comprehensive Peace Agreement. After that, the 2nd national Convention will be convened as soon as possible after the peace agreement is signed. The NIF Government is not happy having to sign the agreement on or before 31st December 2004. The Government is not happy with the UN Security Council Resolution1574. The NIF want to create an armed group loyal to them. They also want to create a political group from among southerners to be used by them. We must stop such a move that will create enemies among Southerners to fight among themselves.
South-to-South dialogue must be organized properly, but the leadership has refused outside mediation. I told the European groups about our stand on this. The Power Sharing protocol states that the SPLM will form the Government in the South. The protocol give 15% to non-SPLM/A members and 15% to members of other parties. There will be discussions therefore with Southern parties.
On Civil Society, we need to dialogue with them including the Churches. On top of that, lawyers and other concerned members will write a constitution for Southern Sudan. There will be a constitution for states and the rule of law will be established.
Finally, regarding our vision and strategies; we must continue with our programmes because we are succeeding in the process. I reject the view that there are some of us who are unionists and others separatists within the SPLM/A. There are no such differences among our people. We are all for the unity of Southern people, and the Movement will carry out the referendum. As for members of the Khartoum National Government who have mutinied, there is a group calling themselves SPLM/A members. I told them that we want peace and we don’t want you to be SPLM/A now. I told the group to organize their own independent Movement, and not be associated with SPLM/A.
On the structures the only way to resolve it is through the national Convention, which should be convened as soon as possible.
Cdr. Deng Monydit. Greeted everyone and praised the leaders for coming together. He stated his appreciation of the response given by the leadership; ‘I want to say I am happy to discuss what was about to be stolen from us, and it is not the concern of those in London. This struggle is not the private property of anybody. Whoever says the Movement is his property is wrong, for the movement is for all.
Cdr. Garang Mobil. I thank the leaders. Since 1997 I decided to stay in my house because I did not believe that our problems should be solved by violence. Facts must be stated now in order to solve them once and for all. On the ‘orphans’ there six (6) members who died and only two (2) are left. The question I want to discuss today, is that there is a problem but the Chairman keeps saying there are no problems, only a ‘gap’ between him and Cdr. Salva. He will not accept there are problems in the New Sudan. But if the problem is not solved, there will be no peace. I also want to say that the movement is in the hands of a few and many are alienated. National resources must be shared by all, no matter how small it is. The structures are controlled by a few minority groups, and this must be sorted out now in Rumbek. This minority group is the problem; hand picking people must stop now because it is creating problems.
Cdr. Agassio Akol. There is a problem because many people avoid Cdr. Salva as Deputy Chairman and Chief of the General Staff. The Governors and their deputies bypass Salva and correspond directly with the Chairman of the Movement, which I consider to be outside proper procedure. Cdr. Salva said that in his talks, he raised specific issues which he needed answers on. The Chairman must have failed to answer these issues, otherwise, the talks would have ended. Cdr. Salva said he did not blame anyone but the Chairman. He wanted the Chairman to tell him whether he was wrong or not. For example Cdr. Salva questioned the legitimacy of the leadership Council, as he considered it to be illegal.
The National Convention is unlikely to come soon to solve the problems of our structures; the convention has no importance for now. For Cdr. Salva, structures cannot be done by a Convention. So who is going to organize the army? Cdr. Mark Nyipuoc intervened by saying a press conference should be made.
Cdr. Taban Deng Gai. I want to express my appreciation and happiness for this meeting. It is good to discuss issues of this nature, which appear to divide our movement. I want to congratulate the leaders for agreeing to come to attend the meeting. I want to congratulate Dr. Riek, Ayendit and others for the mediation. If we had such mediation in 1991, there would have been no problems that year, and the coup d’etat would not have taken place. This meeting is on internal issues. Those in Khartoum are happy to see the SPLM/A destroyed by Southern interests. But we are now victorious for we have stopped that disaster. As for our system, there are institutions but not functioning ones. The Leadership Council will not take us anywhere. The era of the Political Military High Command is gone. We must have a modern system of government created by the following committees:
– 1. Committee for the Army;
– 2. Committee for the Government;
– 3. Committee for the Judiciary; and
– 4. The Parliament.
Justice Ambrose Riny. I greet the Leadership and SPLA officers. In 1994 the Convention created institutions. When I talked about the independence of the Judiciary, many officers reacted against it. It was the intervention of the Chairman who permitted the Committee to complete its work. There have been difficulties and roadblocks by those who did not want a system. There have been difficulties in implementing the resolutions. In 2004, the leadership Council was set up to replace the NLC and NEC. The Leadership Council has no legal base to exist. The Chairman dissolved legally instituted organs of the movement as contained in the national convention of 1994, but unilaterally established illegal institutions which are not supported by any legal provisions of the convention thereof.
I want to say that a lot has been done by a few. Most of the things done are imperfect, but they have served us. I appreciate what has been done on South-South dialogue under the SPLM/A Secretary General. The Chairman was supposed to establish a constitutional committee to draft our constitution. We must come together in a place where all departments are residing; there should be one center for the government of SPLM/A to stop all these rumours.
I would like to point out that many members of the movement have lost their ability to sit in an office. I want to point out an incident where a commander told me that what Dr. John or Cdr. Kuol Manyang say ‘up there’ does not work in the South. What kind of a system is this, if it is not respected by its officers? There is no system respected in this movement. I suggest that a committee be formed to organize the army and a conference to inform the world and our supporters that there is no problem from within.
Mama Kezia. I thank both leaders for coming together to discuss all the issues. I was happy with the 1st Vice-Chairman for saying everything in his heart. The rumours outside are bad. Both leaders say it was only a misunderstanding. I appreciate what is happening and I call upon Rev. Clement Janda to bless our conclusion. I agree with the 1st Vice-Chairman that there is something wrong with our system. After the death of the Chairman of my commission, no one has been appointed, and therefore there is no one to report to. For me it took three (3) years to see the leader of the movement. There isn’t a good system. But I think that from now on there will be a system in place.
Cdr. Pieng. Greetings. I will be saying something different; that I have not been happy with our meetings that end without resolutions. I am a revolutionary soldier. I have both military and political interest and if anybody things I don’t have both, he is lying. I am not happy with the response of the Chairman; there are problems to be addressed, and these problems must be solved now.
The Chairman has not committed mistakes; for me, they are unintended mistakes, for the Chairman could not create problems for himself. I mentioned that during the time of Kerubino there were problems. There were rumours that the Chairman was going to throw away his SPLM/A cadres and replace them with people who have not been in the movement since its inception. There must be committees to reorganize the movement; I agree with Cdr. Elijah Malok’s call for a system and committees. When the Chairman goes away on a visit, he never leaves anyone to act where officers should report to.
Cdr. David. Greetings. I blame the Chief of the General Staff for having failed to do anything until now. But nothing is too late; I suggest that the army be organized now. First create a General Command for the SPLA, for there is no army without a General Staff.
Cdr. Oyai Deng. I want to add my voice of being happy to participate in this meeting. When the movement started, you were seven (7) and now you are only two (2) remaining. Some said that you conspired against those who died and now you are conspiring against yourselves. I am shocked to hear Cdr. Salva talk here only about Bahr El Ghazal and not the South in general give he is a leader for all. I strongly agree with Cdr. Salva that when the Chairman goes away, he locks the South in his bag. This is wrong. Cdr. Salva has the right to question anything wrong. There is a problem that must be solved by taking the right decisions.
Cdr. Gier Chuang. I understand what is happening; I didn’t believe that Dr. John will sit near Cdr. Salva again today. I am happy to see this conference. Many people have died due to internal differences and I refer to what had happened in the 1991 crisis. There must be resolutions for all issues, which bring about conflicts; there must be committees established, specially for the SPLA. I also pointed out that during the December 2003 meeting in New Site, there were no representatives from the army. What is a government without an army.
Cdr. James Oath. I greet the gathering. When the movement started you were seven (7) and now you are only two (2) – five died having problems with you (Dr. John). Why do you have problems with your colleagues? The leadership has disabled the movement, so why keep it? Why is there a GMC, because it has never met until now? There is no SPLA ready to fight, and for me there is no army to order. If I am ordered to arrest Cdr. Salva, I do not have an army to arrest anyone. Even the Chief of Staff cannot order me to do anything because there is no army. There is no chance to meet the C-in-C – it will take long time to meet him. This is not good, therefore a committee must be formed now to sort everything out.
Cdr. Oboto Mamur. Greetings. The Chairman always had problems with his colleagues. Now you are two (2) and you are turning against yourselves. Chairman you have been lying throughout since 1983. A Chairman should trust his deputies because there is a big problem here. I ask the Chairman whether he has mandated us to judge him? And if so, we will pass our judgment on him now. We don’t want to talk for the sake of talking. There must be a committee to follow up on all the resolutions agreed on here. And I add, the convention will not solve our problems.
Cdr. George J. Deng. This meeting is a good opportunity to talk today in front of other commanders. The reply by Cdr. John to Cdr. Salva is not convincing at all. My suggestion is that a committee must be formed to organize things right away. There is no longer any army. Therefore a committee has to be formed for the agreement to succeed. I view the SPLA as my home; if the leaders want to go then it is up to them.
Cdr. Malong Awan. Everyone is waiting for the outcome of this dispute. Both leaders therefore should solve their differences. If they don’t solve their differences then they should remain inside this room until the crisis is over. Nor should we blame our enemies for the rumours came from ourselves – we should not blame outsiders. For example Ayen Maguat went to talk to Cdr. Salva. Many from Yei volunteered to go to talk to Cdr. Salva. She complained that Cdr. Wani Igga was in Yei but failed to talk to Cdr. Salva. Instead he went to his village. This was not good leadership and I disagree with Cdr. Wani Igga’s position.
Cdr. Santo Ayang. I thank the communities of Bahr El Ghazal, Bor and the committees that went to Yei. Without them things would have got out of hand. The Chairman must tell us the truth about the source of these rumours. All that was circulated was not rumour, and no one was bribed by the enemy. You tell the world that you brought peace to Sudan, but the reality is that peace was brought about by those who fought for it and died. Those around you only please you and do not tell you the truth. I support the formation of committees suggested by Taban Deng Gai.
Cdr. Ayuen Jongror. The conflict is within the leadership. When conflict arises, it must be resolved immediately. The two of you must be in one place and not in Nairobi and Yei. The style of your leadership is causing lots of problems. The GMC Secretariat was supposed to be formed, but since then, nothing has happened. The GMC should meet to discuss the issues of the army and structures of the Movement must be formed before the convention.
Cdr. Elias Wai. There is fire so we need it not to burn further. Cdr. Salva is not convinced. All are not convinced with the reaction of the Chairman towards issues raised by Cdr. Salva Kiir. The Chairman is placing his relatives in key positions including Elijah Malok, too old, for example, to hold the position of Governor of the Central Bank. Note, there might be popular uprising one day and the army will join the public.
Cdr. Jadalla. We are here to solve our problems. Committees should be formed to investigate the rumours. You think you are the founder of this movement, and as such, that you can do what you want without consulting people? The public is not ready for more problems.
Cdr. Patrick Aitang. We are talking about rumours, but what do we do next? The letter alleged to have been written by Equatorians caused serious tensions. Thanks to Cdr. Salva for salvaging the situation. The ball is now in the court of the Chairman and he should come out with the facts leading up to this dispute. The Chairman should be bold and form the necessary structures.
Cdr. Kitchener. The Chairman and Salva should work together until the end of the liberation struggle. We need leadership to lead us.
Cdr. Ayual Makol. To achieve our objective, we must be united. If the two leaders of the Movement only agree to disagree, then it will lead to internal warfare. Form a committee to investigate the rumours
Cdr. Dominic Dim. I agree that the Leadership Council should be abolished and the commissions replaced by the NEC. The Chairman has locked the NEC in his boxes. Dr. John’s response to Cdr. Salva was neither good nor sufficient. For me, there is still a problem as people still remain suspicious of the Chairman’s intentions. I reiterate that if the problem in question is not resolved, there will be a bigger problem in the Movement. I suggest that the Chairman be clear on resolving this conflict. We should remember how General Swar El Dahab was forced to take over during the crisis at that time. Cdr. Salva was asked by many people to take over, but he refused to do so. I support the formation of committees to restructure the movement and provide us with collective leadership.
Cdr. Biong Ajang. I thank the previous speakers. Cdr. Salva has the right to blame the Leadership Council. The rumours are no longer rumours, but facts as said by Cdr. Salva. There is a problem and that problem should be solved now. I support the formation of committees. What transpired in Yei was the product of two rumours; 1) the arrest of Salva Kiir, and 2) the dismissal of Cdr. Salva Kiir.
Cdr. Salva Kiir gave us the chance and invited us to meet. I thank the bodyguards of Salva for handling the situation very wisely. Dr. John has no powers to dismiss Cdr. Salva because the national Convention elected both of them. I emphasize that rumours do not only originate from Nairobi. Yei is also a source. I support formation of committees.
Cdr. Ismail. We should combat the rumours. It is very unusual for a Deputy Chairman not to have easy access to the Chairman. However, forming committees is another way of avoiding the problem. The explanation of the Chairman hasn’t convinced most of the people nor answered what was raised by Cdr. Salva.
Cdr. Dau Akec Deng. I thank the 1st Vice-Chairman for his stand.
Lt. Col. Mathiang Rok. This meeting has saved the lives of many people in the South. I would like to quote from Francis Mading’s book; “things that are not said divide people”. The Leadership Council has taken the powers of the NLC. People still doubt the Chairman’s comments were satisfactory. There are many ‘huddles’ in the system, e.g. the Leadership Council has taken up the role of the National Convention. Our main concern is how the structures will be made functional. We are here to bring peace and harmony among ourselves. If there is anything, which is not clear, it should be said now!
Cdr. Chagai Atem. These rumours started in 1994 and I was the chief negotiator between the two. Now they are caught red handed again.
Father George Kinga. I greet and thank the leaders. The four leaders are great and must be respected. The issues are institutional ones. I also support the formation of committees.
Mr. Pascal Babindi. I am happy to have the chance of addressing this important and historic meeting. The restructuring we decided on at the Gorok NLC meeting pushed us ahead. I am confident that the reforms that shall soon be made will also push us ahead.
Cdr. Achol Marial. A committee should be formed to investigate into where those rumours originated from. I appeal to the leadership to mobilize resources prior to the formation of ministries.
Dr. Komanyangi. The formation of committees shall lead to a final solution to all our problems. I suggest that we give ourselves time for these deliberations to continue for one more day so that all issues are exhausted.
Cdr. Simon Kun Pouch. The speakers have not talked on how to combat corruption. The formation of a committee to work out functions for our structures is not really a priority because they already exist, we need only to share power and prepare job descriptions for all the institutions of the movement.
Cdr. James Kok Ruea. A preparatory committee for the Convention should be formed within the shortest time possible. We should work on the structures that will make the Movement function during the interim period as follows: 1) 1st Vice Chairman to chair the GMC, 2) 2nd Vice Chairman to chair the committee for the interim period and 3) 3rd Vice Chairman to chair the committee for National Convention.
Mr. Muhammad Marjan. I believe that the world is looking forward to knowing what our movement will be like once peace is signed and we emerge as a government.
Cdr. Michael Makuei Lueth. There is no need to form a committee to investigate the rumours, which were circulating, unless Cdr. Salva insists that they have never been rumours. I call upon both the Chairman and Cdr. Salva to build confidence between themselves. I assure the Chairman that as we are entering a new era, and if we remain in an unprepared manner, we will eventually be finished. The immediate establishment of our structures is necessary. The distribution of powers is also necessary. The army must be organized. There is also the importance of speeding up South-South dialogue before we enter the forthcoming era. The other issue is corruption. I am saying that the leadership is not committed to fighting corruption. I am against the suggestion that there should be a committee for the army’s reorganization. It is for the COGS, his deputies, and the directors to sit at the GHQs and issue orders according to the plans they set. The national Liberation members should not blame the Chairman alone. In Gorok, the NLC gave the Chairman a blank cheque to restructure the movement, and that was when things started to go wrong.
Opening remarks by the Master of ceremony after prayers noted that the present meeting has come out in the internet; and a warning was given to those who might have done so.
Mr. Kosti Manibe. I want to add my voice to those who have already spoken. I express my appreciation to those concerned for having resorted to peace negotiations and to end the conflict through dialogue. I am happy that the 1991 disaster has been avoided. I acknowledge the existence of gaps in the system and I call upon the leaders to address the communication needs. I stress the need for media to send accurate messages to our people, enemies, etc.. The Movement should have a capacity for communication to deal with the media when required. I point out that a lot has been achieved – 90% of the objectives have been achieved. There are structures, but a lot of work requires to be done
The JAM’s programme on capacity building should be followed. Functions will be set out. On policy issues, I suggest that a lot remains to be done to build confidence in our system and institutions. I suggest that there is a need to form a small committee to look into the minutes of this meeting and to identify the crucial issues that needs resolutions as soon as possible. Such information should be disseminated.
Cdr. John Luke. I am happy that the rumours have been resolved. The rumours of the dismissal of Cdr. Salva has been on air for a long time. There were other rumours that Cdr. James Wani was going to be replaced by Cdr. Pagan. Some responsible people in the Leadership Council have been quoted as saying that Cdr. Salva, with support from Bona Malual, will make a coup. There has been a problem among members of Leadership Council who have been complaining a lot. There is no system, especially in the office of the Chairman, which is treated as a private entity. The office of a leader must be well organized and staffed properly to do its work.
On the responsibility of leadership, Cdr. Dr. John should not be blamed alone because there are others. The dissolution of the Leadership Council will not mean that a normal system will be established. No proper changes will take place, even if the Leadership Council is dissolved. If Dr. Garang dissolves the Leadership Council, he will appoint the same people in the L.C. There is no need to make changes now until peace is signed. The formation process f or the government needs wide consultation; people should wait for a month until peace is signed.
The Chairman is being accused for not implementing decisions. In the army, if you need structures, I see Cdr. Salva as a political figure; so a pure army officer should be appointed as Chief of Staff and Cdr. Salva should be given a Commission. This way, the army should be run by an army officer who is not a politician.
Why is the leadership avoiding South-South dialogue? The Chairman refused to accept dialogue, but claims it after others implemented it. It was Cdr. Salva who supported the Wunlit Peace Conference – but the Chairman was against it. At the recent conference in Nairobi organized by the Kenyan Minister for Planning, the SPLM/A failed to attend because the Chairman had refused to let the SPLM attend. Cdr. James Wani is weak and the Chairman uses him to kill things related to South-South dialogue. The NLC is dead and I suggest that an emergency convention be organized immediately.
Cdr. Marc Nyipouch. Cdr. Marc stated that the rumour that madam Nyandeng was arrested with 3.5 is libel and defamation. He continued to cite the case of General Lagu during the Regional Government. On the issue of Governor Deng Alor, Cdr. Marc said that Cdr. Deng collects money from abroad, banks it with the Chairman’s or his (Deng’s)
bank account, and that is why Deng Alor was taken away from the region – just to do that. Something Nhial has failed to do but what Deng is able to do. Deng should either be a Governor of Bahr el Ghazal or be replaced.
Mr. Arthur Akuien. I am being called the Finance Secretary but without any finance. I want to point out that the rumours have been destructive and that the leadership style encourages such rumours. I want to say that the Chairman does not delegate powers to his deputies. The Chairman is responsible for creating this crisis in the movement.
On the structures, there are structures. But the Chairman after appointing someone to a position does not work with him, but he will appoint someone else to do the work, which is wrong. The Chairman creates all these problems within the system, and this is why he is being blamed. I also point out when a senior person tries to discipline a junior, the Chairman always fails to solve the problem among the staff and instead interferes. The leadership style of the Chairman’s work is bad and cannot be corrected. The Chairman has not been doing well in his job and he may be forced to leave his office before six years.
Dr. Justin Yac. The Chairman is good for external contacts but within his own institutions he is not good. The Chairman is good in talking but poor in doing things. The Cdrs. Condemned him the day before and I quote Cdr. Salva who said that “Dr. John does not forget and does not forgive”, and who ever quarreled him ended up dead.
Many people know the Chairman’s abilities and weaknesses for the last twenty-two years. The Chairman can impress people when he talks, but lacks action. The commanders the day before gave the Chairman grade F because he failed to adequately answer the issues raised by Cdr. Salva. The Chairman should not think that he is always right; rather he must admit his mistakes. The Chairman must work with a team and not be a leader of the NLC and Chairman of SPLM. Leadership must be collective.
The officers the other day faced the Chairman with hard facts, but we have not been telling the Chairman the truth. We are also to blame. The Chairman should respond to issues of structures to avoid the recurrence of this problem. The Chairman can listen and write on issues, but he always discards them. The Chairman has been everything ever since the movement started. I call upon the Chairman to work with people and not alone. The Chairman should know that he has been wrong because some of the members have not been telling him the truth. Some leaders should be blamed for not doing their part, for many have not been doing things properly. I repeat what Cdr. Salva said that Dr. John does not forget and forgive. So I want to say that those without guns are vulnerable. The Cdrs. Are secure because they have guns to protect themselves from the Chairman, but I ask, who is going to protect those of us without guns?
I call upon Dr. John to listen to all the demands and that he (the Chairman) should make changes and suitable structures. I also suggest that the Rumbek meeting should come up with resolutions that we support the finalization of the peace agreement now, all should be committed to the peace process.
On the issue of dissolution of the leadership council, there is no difference so no changes are necessary. I urge the Chairman to work closely with his aids. We have sat here because we are part and parcel of the executive and leadership as well. Mr. Chairman, I urge you to treat us equally and remove doubts that there are people you prefer.
Cdr. Elijah Malok. I propose the formation of three (3) committees, and that they remain here in Rumbek to start their work as we may have problems with resources and the committees should finish before December 31st.
Cdr. John Koang Nyuon. I thank the Chairman and his 1st Deputy to have responded positively to our wish to sit, as we are doing now to discuss and resolve issues that create misunderstandings. Rumours always create problems. The availability of Thuraya telephones in abundance is really a problem as some of their users can verbally reveal our secrets for the sake of money or any other reason. The reaction by some officers is appreciated, as they only want the resolution of our outstanding problems.
I suggest the formation of regional committees to organize our army within the coming month since you mentioned that peace is likely to be signed by the end of December. I see this as the immediate priority other than the rest we are now discussing – as other structures already exist. To organize the army is not so difficult.
A clarification was made by 1st Vice Chairman Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit: “What brought us here to meet is the question of the rumours, which have been circulating. As the Chairman read in his messages, we haven’t reached a conclusion, as we have not known from where they emanate. When I went to greet the Chairman it was immediately announced that Cdr. Salva has met with Dr. John and their differences are resolved. The question is how does this news go out? I believe that they are not from my part. The rumours came from Nairobi not from Yei”.
Cdr. Abdelaziz Adam Alhilu. The structures formed during the 1st national convention exist, the only thing is that they are not effective due to meager resources. The lack of adequate resources is the main problem that affects their functioning. Instability is also a factor. A system normally operates when the enemy is inactive.
The establishment of structures at present when peace is not yet signed will also put us in difficulties, so it is important to wait for a conducive atmosphere. I agree with the suggestion for the 2nd national convention to take place as soon as possible. I don’t agree with those who say committees should be formed to organize the army. I see it fit that local committees shoulder such responsibilities provided that resources are made available.
Cdr. Daniel Awet Akot. This is a good opportunity for one to air out what had been said before, As Dr. John and Cdr. Salva put it, that they don’t have personal or political problems – then that is appreciated.
Cdr. Ayuen Alier. If the style of leadership is changed, things will automatically change for the better. The whole issue is our general problem not only the Chairman and his deputies. Our top leaders restricted travel to Nairobi with their officers, but that cannot work. Every-body gets there on his own. There is a necessity that capacity building starts now. Cdr. Ayuen made the additional observation, that the lack of self- confidence is always the cause of our problems, and as for rumours, which have been confusing, I assure you that those who have self-confidence cannot be affected by rumours.
The suggestion by Cdr. Elijah Malok that committees be formed and start their work here in Rumbek is supported by me. The delegation for the peace talks should be the only ones to go: let us support peace because it is the requirement for now. Mr. Chairman I end by thanking both of you for having cooled your nerves. Come together to discuss so that we can resolve whatever problems are facing us.
Cdr. Kuol Manyang. I think this meeting is historical and as we enter a new era, we are going to be more united after this meeting. You differ with someone and you reconcile. Differences are natural. A person can easily make a problem between him and another. We have to unite and this is how you can overcome rumours, which confuses the people. Like the recent situation, I was informed through unofficial channels that Cdr. Salva had been removed. I called Cdr. Deng Alor and we were joined by Cdr. Awet and we went to Cdr. Salva and told him that what is being alleged is a lie, and that there was no meeting held concerning this. We then moved to Nairobi where we communicated this issue to Dr. John Garang and that was when this meeting was planned and Cdr. James Kok and Cdr. Nhial were asked to organize transportation to this end.
So I thank both Cdr./Dr. John Garang and Cdr. Salva Kiir for having attended this meeting and permitting us to discuss and come up with decisions that promotes unity and harmony. Differences between Cdr. Salva and Dr. John existed from a long time ago, as Cdr. Chagai mentioned, but there was no decisive steps taken to resolve them until today.
As for structures, they are there. The only problem is how to maintain and have them effectively function due to a lack of resources. Our structures have to be operationalized. But the matter is not a question of dissolving other bodies such as the Leadership Council, NLC and so on. I don’t have any objection with the formation of committees, but I only say that reorganization of the army must be the responsibility of COGS and his Deputies. I urge both of you, the Chairman and Cdr. Salva to open a new page in order for us to go forward.
Cdr. Nhial. People should be judged by what they have contributed to the Movement. We should sincerely address our issues. I am absolutely prepared for the proposal to dissolve the Leadership Council and we all see what scenario we can take.
To have structures and institutions you need to have three things; 1) the structure itself, 2) resources, and 3) the people, because its people who run the structures. The resources and the personnel go together. Without having prepared for this, it is now one of the serious problems we face as we enter the forthcoming era.
CDr. Malik Agar. The current issue of the differences between the Chairman and his deputy is surprising in that I was aware of this even ten years ago. Whenever it is about to be addressed, each of them says there is ‘no problem’. The big problem is trust among yourselves. This needs to be rebuilt and you will be the ones to arrive at sound solutions to the existing problems.
Comrade Chairman, as we enter the new era, we shall be competing with other parties. Let us start with the effective establishment of our structures and draw up our programmes. We need a system. I have worked as a Governor for ten (10) years; yet, I could have committed many mistakes during that time. Has the Chairman any day called me to tell me that I have made a mistake? There is no system here.
The issue of reorganizing the army is a burning issue as most of the soldiers are now in an unorganized form and this will work against us. As monitors will verify, we don’t have the army. The distribution of powers is the vital issue to avoid future misunderstandings.
Cdr. Pagan Amum Okech. Comrade Chairman, I will focus on the crucial issue, but before that, I want to tell you this. We are here to discuss the rumours that have been circulating and which almost created a very serious development within the movement’s liberated areas, in Khartoum and among the Diaspora. My advice is to the Southerners who have fought for the last twenty two (22) years. I am first going to concentrate on the recent rumours. Cdr. Gier happened to ring me asking me whether I came across information from Yei that the leadership have met and decided to remove him from the second position. I advised Cdr. Gier not to believe that because it is a rumour, and if it spreads, it will create confusion. He then heeded my advice. Again Cdr. Deng Alor phoned to me on the same issue, but I also told him that these are rumours and Cdr. Salva should not believe such rumours. There had been meetings in Khartoum and there was a public statement made by Uncle Bona Malual and r!
etired General Joseph Lagu. If the enemy succeeds in dividing us, it may lead to our failure and peace may not be achieved.
This time is very critical Cdr. Salva and Cdr. Chairman; if we say we will remain here to deal with the rumours only, I think we will be here up to the coming year. I advise both of you to put aside these rumours. Even though we did not defeat the enemy, what we had achieved will make the enemy coincide with what we tell them. At this crucial moment we must think thoroughly of what we should do to enable us go forward. This is my appeal to both of you Cdr. Salva and Cdr. Chairman. There is another rumour now that I want to take the place of Cdr. James Wani Igga. I assure you Cdr. Wani that there is nothing like this at all.
The establishment and building of structures at this particular time is vital. Our priority is now to finalize the peace talks. The Chairman and his deputies must go to Nairobi so that we are not considered intransigent because the process can easily be derailed. Concerning the reorganization of the COGS and his deputies, we can do that unless the problem of resources hinders us.
Cdr. James Wani Igga. I congratulate the Chairman for calling this important meeting. I also congratulate Cdr. Salva for having attended this meeting. This paves a way for a solution to our problems. I thank both of you for your patriotic stand since the beginning of the struggle – both of you have collectively worked to protect this movement from upheavals. I consider you as the central pillars of this Movement. Let me come to the main topics, which are the SPLM/A’s major problems. Solving a problem is like bringing pus out from somebody’s gull. Problem No. 1, we are not working as a team, which results in disgruntlement.
No. 2, we have the structures formed in the 1994 Convention which were only the NEC & NLC, but by 1998, people became fed up of those structures. I appeal that we keep these structures but make necessary changes. I would like to underline something connected with structure. In 1998 we came out with a constitution named the SPLM constitution. This was not passed by the NLC because they were expecting a state constitution. But we had agreed to use that constitution, and there are structures there. In one of the L.C. meetings we had revised the constitution and even the manifesto. Up to now, we had passed four (4) documents. The SPLM constitution. The SPLM manifesto. The 3rd document is the SPLM policy on dialogue and it concerns how we go about South-South dialogue. Our main constraint in starting South-South dialogue is the lack of money. Documents No. 4, is the SPLM policy on the transformation of Sudan. All these documents are there ready. Comrade Chairman, our constraint i!
n the political Affairs Commission is lack of facilities, but we have really tried our best. As for the army reorganization, if we become surprised by the signing of the peace deal, I think it will be difficult to regroup our army simply because we don’t have resources. Once peace is signed, there is going to be the establishment of standard national structures. Structures are our No. 2 problems, including the official management of office institutions.
Cdr. Wani listed other problems:
No. 3: The existence of a Kitchen Cabinet is deplorable and creates doubts and mistrust.
No. 4: The geographical imbalances found in the movement. If this is not addressed, we will never be in harmony.
No. 5: Poor chain of command.
No. 6: Spread of rumours.
Let’s come to the question of rumours. When rumours were developing I was in Nairobi and I went to Kampala. When I reached Kaya, I was being asked what had happened. I was then told that you are coming from Nairobi and that you met and decided to replace Cdr. Salva with Cdr. Nhial. I told that that this is just rumours and I believe that Cdr. Salva will not believe this. He will immediately throw it out the window.
Problem 7: Lack of implementation of resolutions and the lack of a follow up body. Our resolutions always die on the paper.
Problem 8: Corruption which remains rampant in the Movement. Corruption must be fought for example, some years back the Chairman in a meeting informed us that Cdr. Deng Alor brought some money from Nigeria, but how that money was spent had never been explained to us again. I ask the question where is the transparency and accountability we talked about?
Problem 9: Lack of cooperation, accompanied by sabotage. Some work for the
downfall of others without any accountability.
Problem 10: Neglect of the army and its welfare.
Problem 11: Absence of job description, which cause confusion.
Problem 12: Nepotism. It should be fought.
There are two examples to illustrate the issue of nepotism. One is the removal of Aleu Anyeny from his position and his replacement by the Chairman with an officer from his home village. Another is the appointment of Dr. Lual Deng as an advisor to the Chairman. We all heard this in a meeting in which the Chairman announced Lual’s appointment without any official procedures followed. When I talk about regional imbalances, all I need to say is that no Equatorian was even allowed to be a signatory of the six protocols. We are making history and this history should involve all the people of New Sudan. The protocols are only signed by individuals from Bahr el Ghazal, Upper Nile, Nuba Mountains and Funj!
Problem 13: Neglect in the chain of command, which has led to indiscipline.
Cdr. Wani proposed a way forward. I suggest that an investigation committee be appointed by the Chairman to find out the origination of these rumours. Let’s avoid ‘Kitchen Cabinets’ and combat corruption. We need a mechanism to be adopted to fight corruption. Let’s respect the chain of command. Let’s avoid any regional misbalancing. Job descriptions must be effected. South-South dialogue advanced. The convening of the second National convention requires additional money. The reaction of the Chairman to all the listed problems is necessary. As a sign of true reconciliation, they need to warmly greet themselves in front of us here, then follow that up with a joint statement. A traditional ceremony should be carried out by some of the elders here. We take what had happened like a normal wave when in a canoe. Let us reconcile so that we defeat our common enemy.
Cdr. Riek Machar. I was struggling whether to speak or not because of the nature of the issues being raised. When we met as a Leadership Council, there were divergent views. Before that I met Aleu Anyieny and he told me that if you are going to talk to Cdr. Salva, don’t talk about the problems being personal. These problems are administrative. Serious rumours have also been circulating in London when I was there. They talked about a ‘change of the guards’ and the removal and replacement of Cdr. Salva by Cdr. Nhial. I appealed to the participants in that meeting that we should unite since we are entering peace, because if there is a split, the enemy may dishonour the agreement we had already signed. In any case, suppose we sign the peace, the SPLA will be a national army whereas the SPLM will be competing with other political parties. The SPLA must retain an independent national character.
Concerning the structures, I have participated in a workshop on the formation of structures at all levels including the transformation of the SPLM into a political party. These are all being worked out. We are only behind in our military preparations. This doesn’t need a committee to do that. The COGS, his deputies, directors, and local commanders can do that. The army is the most important element to protect the gains of the struggle and as such we need to organize it and take care of them and their families. We all have to participate in calling them to report to their units or camps where they should regroup and organize. Our chiefs are important institutions that can effectively participate in this endeavor.
Another problem we will face is the returnees, which are estimated to be up to 4 million residing in exile for almost fifteen years. They have acquired different attitudes, culture and perspectives. Not only are they in the north, but we have a good number of our people living in various western countries. We will be confronted by all these groups with a series of problems of cultural differences and we must be prepared to integrate these two groups into our civil life and norms.
I believe that unless something happens in Khartoum, the war is over. Unless the enemy causes us to split, the war is over. This requires us to expedite the reorganization of the army. I do not agree with Mathiang Rok about his suggestion that committees be formed to discuss the six (6) signed protocols. In addition, we should be privileged that the UN SG visited Africa to discuss the issue of peace in Sudan – The first time it happened was during the decolonization of Africa – making the achievement of peace highly likely this year.
As for South-South dialogue, we can start now. We should be prepared to negotiate with whatever party is ready to dialogue. If we wait until the government is formed, they will be the ones to undermine the GOSS. We must achieve consensus. Let us not delay south-south dialogue. The lack of dialogue can be a source of disunity, but if we handle it properly, it can also be a source of unity and this will allow the people to rally behind the leadership. There is a need to call the NLC as soon as possible to deliberate on the agreement. What I mean is the current NLC. The next convention, which needs to be convened as soon as possible, will elect a new NLC and who will be charged with the responsibility of working on a national constitutional government of south Sudan, etc.. From now, we have agreed that the judiciary be independent.
Cdr. Salva Kiir Mayardit. Greetings to the Chairman and Madame de Mabior and others in this meeting. We apologize for not allowing you to attend the first meeting, which lasted for two days. The second meeting is composed of SPLM Counties Secretaries, civil society, women groups, the youth, etc.. The decision was deliberate and we did not want the meeting to be talking shop.
I have no more to say. The issue which brought us here have been raised and you all have given your concerns. Let us take the line of peace to be the priority. In the absence of peace we must be prepared for war. There had been many Security Council resolutions of the same nature passed like this of Sudan, but have not been implemented, such as the PLO, Western Sahara, etc..
I thank those who have exerted efforts to travel from their various locations to Yei where they met me on the situation. As I told you, there were no personal problems, they are administrative given my profession, and I know that rumours are dangerous. Rumours must be treated as rumours, but there is no smoke without fire. I don’t agree with Cdr. Wani that these rumours were created by the enemy. There are people among us who are more dangerous than the enemy. I must warn the Chairman that Nimeiri was made to be unpopular by his security organs. Those who are misleading you and giving you false security information about others will suffer with you together or leave with you. The government, which is going to be led by you must include all. Without unity, the agreement will be a source of our disunity. We are not organized in all aspects, and as such will be exploited by other political parties that are more organized. The lack in our structures and political guidance will lead us to a very serious political defeat. Mr. Chairman, you have talked about people eating the boat while we are in the middle of the river. Let me add this; the issue is not eating the boat in the middle of the river. The issue is that there are a few who have already crossed to the other side of the river and when the remaining ones asked them to bring the boat, they refused to return the boat. This is the problem.
1. Never wake up early: Keep stretching and turning in bed until you get too hungry to continue dozing. If there are no bedbugs, why hurry to get up?
2. Never plan how to spend your money: Whenever you get money, start spending it right away and when it is finished, try to count and recall how you spent it.
3. Don’t think of saving until you have real big money: How can you save when you earn so little? Those telling you to save are not sympathetic to your burning needs.
4. Don’t engage in activities usually reserved for the ‘uneducated’: How can you, a graduate, engage in petty trade or home- based production? That is for people who never went to school.
5. Don’t think of starting a business until an angel comes from heaven and gives you capital: How do they expect you to invest before you get millions of shillings? Even though more than half the businesses in your town were started with a few hundred shillings, you as a smart person can only start with millions.
6. Complain about everything except your own attitude: Blame the system, the government and the banks that refuse to lend you money. They are all bad and do not want you to get rich.
7. Spend more than you earn: To achieve this, buy consumer products in credit and keep borrowing from friends and employer.
8. Compete in dressing: Make sure you wear the latest clothes among all the workers in your office. Whenever your neighbour buys a new phone, get one that is more expensive.
9. Get yourself a nice second- hand car that costs more than three times your gross monthly pay: That will surely keep you in debt long enough to hinder the implementation of any bad plans that could make you accumulate capital.
10. Give your children everything they ask for since you are such a loving parent: They should not struggle for anything because you do not want them to suffer. That way, they will grow up lazy and hence poor enough to ensure they cannot help you in your old age.
Mabior Garang de Mabior: A call for fundamental change in South Sudan
Lead quotes into the story below:
As the Movement grew and became strong she became a victim of her own success. The movement gained in quantity of members, while declining in the quality of membership…
The administrational anarchy is further exacerbated by an increasingly authoritarian regime which reacts to criticism rather than act towards reform. The current state of collapse of all sectors in South Sudan should not be blamed on the loss of our leader. We should take it as a deliberate program of the leading clique in Juba not to serve the interests of our people.
The notion of all power belonging to the people has been completely usurped! Instead of using the goodwill expressed by the people when they affirmed their sovereignty by voting in overwhelming numbers for independence, the new elite has instead focused their efforts on grotesque accumulation of wealth. The popular goodwill could have been mobilised again in a popular constitutional referendum, as many people of goodwill had urged the SPLM to do. That is another opportunity squandered.
There exists currently two scenarios in our country; either we have an honest and free dialogue on the future of our Republic, or we can descend into the abyss.
Complete the story on this link: http://newsudanvision.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2669:capt-mabior-garang-de-mabior-a-call-for-fundamental-change-in-south-sudan&catid=1:sudan-news-stories&Itemid=6
RE: INVITATION TO THE CLOSING CEREMONY OF THE ‘FOOD FOR PEACE HARAMBEE’ BY THE
JONGLEI CIVIL SOCIETY GROUP’S PEACE CARAVAN AT NEW SUDAN PALACE, JUBA
We, the civil society group for Jonglei peace caravan, hereby requests and invites you, your department, company, organization, embassy, etc. for the Closing Party of the ‘Food for Peace Harambee’ scheduled on Thursday , March 8, 2012, at New Sudan Palace, Airport Road, from 2:00PM to 8:00PM. The group comprises youth, women and artists associations from Jonglei, especially Murle, Lou-Nuer and Bor-Dinka, and other states of South Sudan, travelling before disarmament to Jonglei State next week.
Alternatively, if you could not attend but have somebody to delegate with something to donate, please call the undersigned numbers or locate our charity caravan van going around the city from Tuesday to Thursday this week. Your donation in kind or cash will be announced in the closing ceremony on Thursday.
Please, find attached a contribution form and a press release we issued after the commissioning of the charity drive on Sunday launched by Hon. Sultan Ismail Konyi, attended by Gen.(Rtd) Joseph Lagu, among other distinguished guests.
John Penn de Ngong,
Secretary General ,
Jonglei Civil Society Group.
0977 368 888 / 0955 235 997 /0927 234 669
Charity Harambee for Jonglei Peace Caravan
0955 235 997 /0927 234 669
Press Release for Jonglei Civil Society Group’s Peace Caravan
New Sudan Palace (Hotel)
March 4, 2012
THEME: CALL FOR PEACEFUL DISARMAMENT IN JONGLEI STATE
We, the youths and members of Jonglei Civil Society Group, a consortium of indigenous NGOs, CBOs, FBOs, youths and artists associations from Lou-Nuer, Murle and Bor-Dinka communities of Jonglei State, are concerned about the declared government program for disarmament, which is kicking off soon. Based on the past experiences in which the affected people have lost confidence in the previous disarmament processes, we have resolved to do the following:
- To move immediately to Jonglei to consult with the youth to avoid confrontation with the disarmament forces.
- To go and sensitize our communities of the disarmament procedures in the field.
- To prepare grounds for peaceful disarmament and handing over of arms to the government
- To play the role of a reconciliation committee (mediators) among the conflicting communities and the government.
- To call upon the political leaders, MPs, chiefs and elders of Jonglei State and South Sudan to support the Peace Caravan organized by Jonglei Civil Society Group to go before Disarmament to the communities of Jonglei State.
- To call upon the people in Juba turn up for a contribution rally to take place at New Sudan Palace, Airport Road, Juba, on Sunday, 4 March, 2012.
Having launched the Peace Caravan’s “Food for Peace” Harambee contribution on Sunday, 4 March, 2012, at New Sudan Palace (Hotel) in Juba, we are now preparing for the take off. The commissioning of the charity drive on Sunday was officiated by Hon. Sultan Ismail Konyi, and attended by Gen.(Rtd) Joseph Lagu, Special Advisor of the President, among other distinguished guests.The event was graced with Rwanda Genocide Movies (‘100 Days’ and ‘Hotel Rwanda’), peace-loaded music from Murle young artists from East Africa, under Murle Youth for Peace and Development (MYPAD), and lots of entertainment by South Sudanese leading artists and Jonglei Artists and Musicians Association (JAMA) delegates, peace skits and lots of fun-raising and fundraising presentations.
For this reason, we have resolved to move ahead to sensitize and sanitize our youth in the villages. Therefore, we are hereby calling all the peace-loving individuals, NGOs and business companies to donate generously to our ‘caravan van’ moving around Juba town from Wednesday to Thursday this week, or on the closing ceremony on Thursday, March 8, 2012, again at New Sudan Hotel, from 2:00PM to 8.00PM.
We would appreciate if you come with whatever you can afford such as drinks, food items, medicines, airtime, torches and batteries, tents, bed sheets, vehicle and anything that will facilitate the peace caravan group to the “Tribal Conflict Triangle of Jonglei State”, namely Greater Pibor, Greater Bor and Great Akobo and Greater Fangak areas.
Your present in this event in Juba would indirectly make your present felt in Bor, Pibor, Akobo and the rests of Jonglei counties.
John Penn de Ngong, John Chuol Mamuth,
General Secretary, JCSG Org. Committee Chairman, Org. Committee, JCSG.
0955 235 997 / 0977 368 888 0955 081 513, firstname.lastname@example.org
END IMPUNITY IN 2011
Press Release 23 November 2011 End Impunity Organization & the Coalition of South Sudan Civil Society Organizations
Statement bythe Regional Director on international Day to End Impunity
On this day, November 23, End Impunity and the Coalition of South Sudan civil society Organization join with people around the world in reaffirming the fundamentals on freedom of expression, the right to justice, and the right to protection. Media in any country must operate freely and without fear. Citizens must stay informed with unrestricted access to information. Two years ago, on 23 November 2009, askocking massacre took place in the island of Mindanao, Philines.58 people brutally murdered,34 of them were journalists, making the massacre the worst single attack on the media. Up to this date, the perpetrators are not brought to justice. This led free media advocates around the globe to disgnate November 23 asthe the International Day to End Impuntiy for Journalists. We, the advocacy community in South Sudan reaffirm ourdedication to promote the basic principle enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that every individual has the right”to seek,receive, and impart inforamtion and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers”. (Article 19). we commend those courageous journalists who work every day to give meaning to these rights, often at great risk to their lives, as we have seen in the Philippines case. Governments around the World have great responsibility to uphold these rights and ensure the safety of journalists. We encourage our government at home to rapidly adopt comprehensive and coherent civil liberties bill. So that our media can operate in aclimate free from fear. The truth must be reported without fear of favor. Similarly, our Press must enlighten us make us wiser and responsible. With that great gift of freedom we are asking, comes great responsibility of professional journalism. In these difficult times to build our nation, our energies should be direc ted tostrengthening our democracy. Our Press should refrain from invading the private domain of individuals constructive criticism is always appreciated and respected by all, vindictive criticism may not be welcome by many and despised by others. Nonetheless, we should stand bythe freedom of expression, condemn violence against journalists and combat environment of impunity. We should always remind ourselves that our long and painful walk towards freedom demands from us to guard the fundementals of afree society. Our hard fought gains must consistently be protected and improved. History shows that one of the ingredients of democracy and good governance is afree press where citizens can informed and positively engage as shareholder play instrengthening democractic governance and nation building. We honor all those who have given their lives bravely in the pursuit of truth.
NB: This author is also a contributor on Friendleaks of the same weblog. To read more about the writings of the author, Akol Wekdit, on Weakleaks, click this link: https://weakleak.wordpress.com/friendleaks/
This press release is backed up by a poem belong.
Immunity by Impunity
You take people’s life,
Yet you ain’t any god,
You take property live,
In the watch of the poor sod,
Now that you are caught
Cheating your own community,
What…tell this court?!
But I have the immunity,
A fully selected and elected leader
Of, for and by the very community
That told me to climb their ladder,
Boss blessed with not only immunity,
But also with their impunity.
So what…tell me, court!?
Poem 172 from ‘The Black Christs of Africa’, By J. Penn de Ngong
Where are Gaddafi’s platoon of virgin bodyguards?
Not even Iddi Amin Dada had all his queer and weird leadership publicized just a day after his toppling, but Col. Muammar Gaddafi has not only been widely ‘pressed’ as a star weirdo but has also acted some of the wacky things live on his diplomatic tours. What puzzles the world is his long retinue of 40 virgin girls trained and maintained as ‘bodyguards’, among them a voluptuous Ukrainian nurse as a personal doctor to the big man. No nonsense of a male doctor around his bulletproof tent! Ever heard of his attempt to embarrass and harrass the government of Uganda in 2009’s AU Summits in which he booked up all the top hotels for ghost guests, just to block out his counterparts from African nations?
The King of Kings of Africa’s bodyguards clashed at the gates of Munyonyo Resorts, a summit venue in Kampala. The war of punches and wrestling broke out when the Gaddafis claimed to provide security to the AU meeting instead of Uganda, the host country. This and other funny weird-ados add to the previous notoriety of the African richest and longest serving leader whose titles were far from and short of President or Prime Minister. Till today, Gaddafi has no fortfolio of a government, no constitution, no institution of a government semblance, no nonsense of a bureacratic nature. Some call him Brother, others prefer to say Colonel, etc.
Find more about his weirdness from the below net gatherings.
The Seven Weirdest Things About Moammar Gadhafi
Col. Moammar Gadhafi, the dictator who ruled Libya for 42 years, was killed by rebels in his hometown of Sirte on Thursday. A dictator who oppressed his own people and sponsored terrorism abroad, Gadhafi’s legacy will be stained by violence. But beyond his brutality, Gadhafi will be remembered for something else entirely… being a first-class weirdo.
1. The “Bulletproof” Tent: When Gadhafi was at home in Tripoli, he lived in a well fortified compound with a complex system of escape tunnels. But when he travelled abroad, this “Bedouin” brought a bit of the desert with him, camping out in the world’s capitals. The tent was so heavy it needed to be flown on a separate plane, wherever the dictator travelled. To complete the Arabian Nights theme, Gadhafi often would tether a camel or two outside.
2. All-Female Virgin Bodyguard Retinue: They apparently weren’t around when Gadhafi needed them most on Thursday, but the eccentric dictator was historically protected by 40 well trained bodyguards – all of them women. The bodyguards, called “Amazons,” were all reportedly virgins who took a vow of chastity upon joining the dictator’s retinue. The women, trained at an all-female military academy, were handpicked by Gadhafi. They wore elaborate uniforms, as well as makeup and high-heeled combat boots.
3. His “Voluptuous” Ukrainian Nurse: For a decade, Galyna Kolotnytska, a Ukrainian nurse often described
in the press as “voluptuous,” was regularly seen at the dictator’s side. Kolotnytska was described in a leaked diplomatic cable as one of Gadhafi’s closest aides and was rumored to have a romantic relationship with him. Several other Ukrainian women served as nurses and they all referred to him as “Papa” or “Daddy.”
4. Crush on Condoleezza Rice: In 2007, Gadhafi called former Sec. of State Condoleezza Rice his “darling black African woman” and on a 2008 visit she made to Tripoli, the dictator gave her $200,000 worth of gifts, including a ring and a lute. But it wasn’t until rebels stormed his Tripoli compound that the depths of the dictator’s infatuation were exposed. There among Gadhafi’s belongings was a carefully composed photo album made up of dozens of images of no one but Rice.
5. Fear of Flying and Elevators: Part of the reason Gadhafi loved travelling with that tent of his was because he was worried about lodging in a hotel where he’d have to ride an elevator. According to leaked diplomatic cables, the Libyan didn’t like heights much either, and would only climb to a height of 35 steps. He therefore wasn’t much of a fan of flying, refusing to travel by air for more than eight hours at a time. When he would travel to New York of the U.N.’s annual general assembly, he would spend a night in Portugal on the way to the U.S.
6. Bunga Bunga: In 2010, one of Gadhafi’s most eccentric pastimes was exposed by Italian prosecutors investigating Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. A 17-year-old prostitute named Karima el-Mahroug, better known as Ruby Heartstealer, revealed that she had been invited to an orgy, called a “bunga bunga.” “Silvio told me that he’d copied that formula from Muammar Gadhafi,” she told prosecutors according to La Repubblica. “It’s a ritual of [Gadhafi’s] African harem.”
7. An Eclectic Wardrobe:In those photos of world leaders standing shoulder to shoulder on the sidelines of this or that international forum, Gadhafi was always the easiest to pick out. His wardrobe was an eclectic mix of ornate military uniforms, Miami Vice style leisure suits, and Bedouin robes. Gadhafi, who pushed for a pan-African federation of nations, often decorated his outfits with images of the African continent. He’d sport safari shirts printed with an Africa pattern, or wear garish pins or necklaces of the continent.
A Call to Postpone this Christmas!
By Reporter X
One of the Southern Sudanese referendum hopefuls said he could not afford to wait for the referendum poll day just two weeks away. Weakleak has leaked it from John Penn de Ngong that the writer is calling for a postponement of the Christmas, New Year’s day or ‘Sudan Independence Day’ in favour of the Referendum Day, “So that we remain focused: no drinks, no bling-blings, no nonsense. Of course Salva Kiir said the Referendum Day should ‘remain sacrosanct!'” John added. “Even my own birth day has passed unnoticed, you see!”
“Where are those Sudanese addicted to postponement? Let them come now and delay, dodge or postpone for me these big days so that it gives us access to a ‘panya’ route to that Day.”
Your Excellency, Emma J. Christ, Undersecretary of the Republic of the Universe, please, forgive us this blasphemy. But we are hereby requesting your heavenly authority that you speed up for us the remaining two weeks, including skipping your Birthday (today), mine (I did yesterday) and the Jallaba’s (1-1-11), just for the sake of our freedom, including that of worship, which Bashir has replaced — and still wants to replace — with freedom of warship. And if you insist that Christmas is a Must, hence Sacrosant and Sacred, then please allow me shut down my PC now and head for an overnight at Emmanuel Jieng Parish (Juba), BUT ON CONDITION THAT YOU JOIN US ON JANUARY 9! AMEN?
John Penn is broke, forgets his Birthday!
John Penn de Ngong, who claims to have been born after 1979 and before 1980, “some two days before the Christ’s mass massira”, according to Job, his older bro, forgot his birthday yesterday. It leaked to Weakleak that John is not used to celebrating his best day, hence, did not celebrate his most important anniversary, 30th bd, in his lifetime.
“I regret it. It pains. It nags. I’ve lost it,” said John to Reporter X (of The Younique Generation Magazine). John claims he did not remember it because he is preoccupied with the Grand Birthday of South Sudan. “I just have problem with any so-called Big Day before Referendum. To hell with them all: Mine, Christ’s mass and Jallaba’s independence day. They are an obstacle to that D-Day. Let them pass into the past, very fast.”
However, a close friend of his disclosed they had nothing to stimulate them to remember anything ceremonious this season. John missed his birthday and wished Jesus’s birthday were also postponed, revealed Southern Voice, “due to this… which he (John) confessed from his very mouth.” “This Xmas is not very important; because it is very impotent,” said the Poemusician, as he revokes one of his poems, “Oh my, am not only broke, am also broken. You know a broke bloke is one with too much month by the end of the money, whereas a loaded lord is one with too much money by the end of the month.”
“But I am neither a lord nor am I a son of a warlord,” he quipped. “And the Goddamn dollar donors are stinking stingy. They donate, follow it and regurgitate their money like a dog’s vomit. Damn them. Damn them all.”
Anyway, Marry Christ-mass and Happy Near Here (with this Xmas Tree…)
at this end
glad to spend
not, but to send
You this fruity tree;
I am sending for free,
In the name of The Big Three.
Reminder: this is called Christmas,
Be very careful lest you call it Christmess!
As others go to church, others go to maze or mess.
Get set for a holy mass on the birthday of Jesus Christ.
Whoever shall use or misuse it will in a big way be surprised!
Come such is a big day by which you will in any way be recognized.
In other words, I insist, not by Christmess you enter my feathery heart.
In other worlds, I intercede that by Christmas you enter my Fatherly Hut,
But not without prior warning lest on an opaque mind thou shall be hurt!
This is the season in which every creation puts their neck in the noose;
when from the year’s toil trying to snooze
Or from the year’s spoil trying to booze.
But the magi will think of a special gift;
Then, of their age, a balance of the shift.
Oh, the world is rocking us by age adrift!
To my dear Christlets, I wish you a very Merry Christmas.
To my busybodies, I wish you all a very cheery Chris’ mass.
To my boozy buddies, I wish you all a very cherry Christmess.
Alas! And of course, for your souvenir, it’s just happing near here.
At last, to all of you – brethrens in the Lord, Amen – a very Happy New Year,
With a permanent firmament over a firm foundation that henceforth shall never shear!
It was deemed a disgrace not to get drunk at Christmas; and he was regarded as lazy indeed, who had not provided himself with the necessary means, during the year, to get whiskey enough to last him through Christmas.
Frederick Douglass (1817? – 1895)
U.S. abolitionist, writer, and orator.
Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave
Younique Column: I’m My Brother’s Keeper
Brushing shoulders with ‘terrorists’ in Juba
Every country, everyone, everything have their own 9/11; the only difference is that that day has either or neither come. And it will come, unless we sleep with one eye and one ear open—I mean be one another’s keeper. Security or insecurity, it is a product of our own doing or of our own misdoing.
Aside from the September 11’s point of view, a terrorist is not necessarily a suicide bomber or any serial killer, it is anybody who behaves in a queer and suspicious manner that causes others to panic or feel insecure. If so, then I have met them in Juba, haven’t you, too?
On the second Saturday of August, 2009, while commuting in a matatu (omnibus) from Customs Market
towards Juba centre, I chanced to share the seat behind the driver with two men of Somali origin. Reaching the Konyo-Konyo junction, their phone rang. When the receiver seated next to me attempted to answer the call, the next brother nudged him and uttered suspicious words that sounded like warning. Immediately, they began to scan around and about the passengers and shouted for a stage. No sooner had they exited than the passengers sighed for relief amidst murmurs. Before the duo dashed behind the tree to continue with their phone conversation, one Southern Sudanese man who sat behind us, and who seemed to be a security operative, regretted why he did not alighted with them. He said he saw something bulging like a gun under the belt of one of them.
This incident alone is not enough to compel me to expose this sensitive issue of public alarm.
Just a few days before that, Hon. Gier Chuang Aluong, the Minister of Internal Affairs, had asked the congregation of Emmanuel (Jieng) Parish in Juba to keep alert and cooperate with the security personnel who are at the people’s service. He gave a testimony of his own encounter with the Somalis on Saturday evening of July 18, 2009. At about 7.00PM, the minister decided as usual to take a ride in his car. As he was driving towards the ministries, three Somalis pulled up into the busy road in a rickshaw, a motorized tricycle, in front of
him. “Trying to signal them, Hon. Gier said, “They refused to give way and tried to accelerate.”
This prompted him to suspect that something could be wrong with them. He overtook them by force but as they insisted in overtaking him again, the minister barricaded the road with his car. When asked, the suspects
identified themselves only with the Ministry’s travel permit issued them at Nadapal border point, so the minister confiscated the documents and told them to see him in the Ministry. As if that is not enough, they protested, which prompted the minister to order his bodyguards to search the men. To the minister’s dismay, the criminals were carrying military uniform inside their bags in the ricksaw! The rest of the story is a police case.
In another incidence, one of our reporters discovered while buying a handkerchief from a Somali hawker that the hawker had a hand-drawn map of Juba locations. Well, the hawker gave a justification that he was doing that for his own market strategy. However, since we, Juba citizens, have been charged by the vigilant minister to be our “brothers’ keepers”, it will go even against the Holy Book if we suspend this story upon the hawker’s lame excuse. I would rather violate my journalistic neutrality than not condemning the fact that foreign hawkers of suspicious backgrounds would move up and down, in and out of our official, residential and confidential locations around Juba.
I should not be seen as radically and racially being biased against our foreign investors (if at all hawkers qualify for that status) because I am following up how the news of how Al Shabab, the Somalia’s militant Islamic youths, connected to Al Qaeda, are recruiting Somalia refugees around the world. For instance, recently and currently, there are arrests in USA, Australia and UK of Somali militants mobilizing for Jihad. Are we in Southern
Sudan better off in terms of relationship with Muslims than the US and Australian citizens? How sure are we to believe that the foreign idlers (call them hawkers if that is the business fit for expatriate investors in Southern Sudan) are not the jobless if not war residue of those war-torn countries?
I am against the excuse put forward that they are refugees. We have been refugees hospitably accommodated by our neighbours. I mean we, Southern Sudanese, will fall the second if not the first best-experienced
refugee consultants in the world. So let no one deceive us that refugees are a bunch of middle-aged men roaming and roving the towns with watches on their fingers and CDs on their backs. During our time, the only qualification for a man to be registered as a refugee was when he presented a wife, a child or any female relative, leave alone doing a ‘job’ in refuge. Who knows, the economic refugees scanning our cities today may be ICU (Islamic Courts Union) militias expelled by Ethiopian forces in Somalia two years ago!
I should not be seen as dwelling on Somalis so much. I mean, without proper travel documents and passports bearing visas from their home countries, anybody trying to convince us that the jobless foreign youths in
question are not dropouts of the LRA (now known as “Bor-kech” in Gulu) the Mungiki, the Oromo (liberation front), the Congo rebels, the Al Shabab, the Al Qaeda, the ICU, name them: such a sympathizer must be counted one of them. One of who? One of, not the working youth, but the idle youth in
Juba in particular, and Southern Sudan in general.
By the way, when talking of ‘idle youths’, I drop the adjective ‘foreign’ unless I am talking of the insecurity of tomorrow. The main authors of terrorism today are none other than our own militias. Name them.
One of the errors in this article would be to use the word ‘conclusion’. I am just setting the agenda for further search, research and immediate action. We have been forgiven enough (from what?). Lest we forget, we
are still in a semi-religious war. And if we wait for the police to expose food poisoners, expired drug dealers or bogus clinic operators, dog meat sellers, fake document holders, disguised security personnel, fake witchdoctors, and the likes, then we are waiting to be forced into taking precautionary measures by suicide bombers tomorrow. Take me a prophet of doom, but I repeat, days are near for them to turn Juba into a Baghdad. If we are just there to watch them roam and rove freely today, we will be the same people there to watch them rob and rave freely tomorrow.
My Poems on Terrorism
On hearing at 5AM on May 5 on BBC the news that Osama Bin Laden was killed, I became the most disappointed person on earth, maybe more than his followers and relatives who lost him. Why? I lost my prophecy prematurely, the vision I saw in 2008 and wrote in one of the following poems entitled “Born in Satanistan!”, now rendered expired and flavourless:
An unexpected visitor
Turns up to turn in
Donates his harmful armful
of bleeding greetings,
of blazing blessings,
Bleating ‘Salaam alaikum’,
Detonates his belt bombs!
The new way of preaching peace
Of piercing peace into pieces.
Terrorists versus Tourists
Tourists stay in hotels,
Terrorists slay in motels.
Tourists go there to see new sights,
Terrorists go there to seek near sites.
Tourists are compatible commuters,
Terrorists have combustible computers.
Tourists roam the world for life to enjoy,
Terrorists roam the world for life to destroy.
Born in Satanistan
Before you meet him hijacking,
Let me first introduce him to you.
His name is Mr. Su Saeed Bomba,
Born in the Kingdom of Satanistan,
Trained, even in North Arm-merry-car,
And graduated in the city of Back-dead,
Self-employed in a city called Cut-tomb,
He invaded the cosmic city of New Yoke,
Banished but to the region of Halfgunistan,
So, he vanished into the hills of Terror Borer.
He’s been laden, and may be slain in Fuckistan,
And, good riddance, buried, again, in Satanistan!
Freedom of Explosion!
It is too rough,
Yet they laugh!
One of them says,
Sadists of nowadays,
They want freedom,
Freedom of explosion,
But we want freedom,
Freedom of expression.
Theirs is that of oppression
On the innocent by suicide operation.
They hate our freedom of association,
They turn it into theirs of assassination.
thought Nai lived with Nairobians?
But nigh were Nai robbers!
Now Nai can call not his sweetheart,
For phoneless he was made by their art.
Now Nai cannot buy Christmas for his babe and baby,
For moneyless they rendered him with their art.
At daytime, you are with Nairobians,
At nighttime, call them Nairobbers.
Keep or kick them off the Nile
Or they, Nai robbers:
Will give birth to night robbers,
Will give birth to Nile robbers!
The atmosphere of utmost fear
Nail and teeth,
Roars like a starved lion
Against the modern Zion.
From a blueless skies
Beyond clueless eyes
Roars and rumbles from no clouds
The rains of death on more crowds
Creating the atmosphere
Of a perpetual fear
that is the most upmost
and that can hurt most…
The No-fly Zone
In an IDP camp, I ain’t alone
When King Nebuchadnezzar,
The autocrat of new Babylon
Ordered with a voice bizarre,
‘Let there be no-fly zone in the south!’
Rang a hoarse voice from Omdurman,
Where the warmongering ombudsman
ruled all but only the tightlipped north.
Effectively then, the terror blended with alcohol
Made man mad so that we scampered for the hole
Once a dragonfly passed magnified into a gunship.
Whenever our Nile hippo surfaced: lo, a warship!
The official fly was an Antonov drone,
Yet, the south was a no-fly, no-go zone.
Now that it’s an all-go zone, where else
Will the monarch dig their wealth wells?
Now that we’re destined to go,
Will them, him still behave so
While going to inherit desert?
Let your decisive action now to end hostilities be your legacy to all the people of South Sudan, to Africa and to the world as history will harshly judge you if you fail to do so. The fate of South Sudanese children, who have been affected by unimaginable violations, including killings, forced recruitment, rape and abductions, is in your hands.